Background
Criminal proceedings were initiated against some of the front figures of the Catalonian independence movement. The applicants in the case at hand, Mr Carles Puigdemont i Casamajó, Antoni Comin i Oliveres, and Clara Ponsatí i Obiols, were accused of committing acts of insurgency and misuse of public funds in Spain. None of the applicants appeared before the Spanish Supreme Court and the criminal proceedings instituted against them were deemed to stand until the applicants were found (see para 4 of the Judgment of the General Court of 5 July 2023). The applicants sought refuge in Belgium in a sort of self-imposed exile after the declaration of independence when the criminal proceedings were initiated (see Sibel Top, ‘Explosive case, cautious ruling’ on EJIL: Talk!, 20 February 2023). While in exile, the applicants refused to appear before the national courts in Spain when called upon.
In the meantime, during their exile, two of the applicants, Puigdemont and Comin, stood as candidates to be elected as Members of the European Parliament (MEP) held in Spain. Both were elected following the official declaration of electoral results, though left out when the European Parliament was notified of the elected candidates (see para. 7 of the Judgment of the General Court of 5 July 2023). Even though they were elected by the people, their allocated seats in the Parliament remained vacant because the applicants had not taken the oath or promised to respect the Spanish Constitution, as mandated by the light of the Spanish Organic Law 5/1985 on the General Electoral System, in order to assume office. In accordance with the aforementioned law, the prerogatives and entitlements that the applicants would enjoy as elected members of the European Parliament were to be suspended until they took the oath or made the required promise (see para. 8). Following the suspension of the prerogatives the applicants would enjoy as MEPs, applicants Puigdemont and Comin were notified by the President of the European Parliament that he was not in the position to treat them as future MEPs.
Being elected as an MEP includes a certain immunity in respect of opinions expressed or votes cast by them in the performance of their duties. Following the illegal independence referendum in Catalonia and the declaration of independence, as well as their refusal to appear before the Spanish national court, national, European and international arrest warrants were issued by the Spanish authorities against the applicants, since they did not enjoy the immunity or privileges granted to MEPs (see para. 10). However, later, in Junqueras Vies (C‑502/19), the Court of Justice of the EU found that a person who has been officially declared as elected to the Parliament, but does not comply with certain requirements under domestic laws to be elected and to represent a Member State, shall be regarded as enjoying immunity to travel to and participate in its first session under the second paragraph of Article 9 Protocol No. 7. Following the Junqueras Vies judgment, the Parliament took note of Puigdemont and Comin’s election to the Parliament with effect from July 2019 at their plenary session in January 2020 (see para. 12). Moreover, the European Parliament took note of the election of the third applicant with effect from the 1st of February 2020 following the withdrawal from the EU by the UK and Northern Ireland (see para. 14). The Spanish Supreme Court sent two requests for the waiver of the immunities of the three applicants. The first request was sent on 13th of January 2020 for the waiver of the immunities of applicants Puigdemont and Comin (see para. 11). A second request was sent on 4th of February for the waiver of the third applicant Polsatí (see para. 15). Following the requests sent by the Spanish Supreme Court to waive the immunities of the applicants, the European Parliament delivered decisions P9_TA(2021)0059, P9_TA(2021)0060, and P9_TA(2021)0061. The immunities of the three applicants were waived. Based on Article 263 TFEU, the applicants asked the General Court of the European Union to annul the decisions of 9th of March where the applicants’ immunities were waived by the Parliament.
The applicants
The applicants requested the General Court (GC) to annul the contested decision and demanded that the Parliament cover the costs for the trial. Conversely, the Parliament claimed that the Court should dismiss the action and the applicants should pay the costs. The applicants put forward eight different pleadings in support of their action. The first plea alleged that the reasons stated for the contested decisions were insufficient. Further, the applicants argued about the alleged lack of competence of the national authority that issued and transmitted the requests for waiving the applicant’s immunity to the Parliament. The third and fourth pleas concerned the alleged disregard for the principle of impartiality and the infringement of the right to be heard. Furthermore, the fifth plea alleged the infringement of the principles of legal certainty and sincere cooperation, the right to effective judicial protection, and the rights of the defense because the contested decisions lacked clarity. The sixth plea by the applicants was based on the infringement of Article 343 TFEU, Article 9 of the Protocol on the Privileges and Immunities of the European Union (No 7), and rule 5(2) of the Rules of Procedure of the Parliament. The last two pleas from the applicants focused on the violation of the principles of good administration and equal treatment. The seventh plea contended that the Parliament departed from its earlier practice without justification, while the eighth plea alleged that the Parliament, for the first time, authorized the pre-trial detention of its members (see paras. 22-31).
The Parliament and the Kingdom of Spain
The Parliament, with support from the Kingdom of Spain, disputed the admissibility of some of the applicants’ arguments, as they appeared only in the annexes of their pleadings (see paras. 32-35). The first paragraph of Article 21 of the Statute of the Court of Justice of the European Union, applicable to the GC by virtue of the first paragraph of Article 53, states that an application to the court must contain the forms of order sought and a brief statement of the pleas in law. Furthermore, according to established case-law, the statements of the pleas must be clear and precise enough to enable the defendant, in this case the Parliament, to adequately prepare its defense. The application may be supported and supplemented on specific points by references to certain documents annexed to it (see para. 33). General references to other documents, even those annexed to the application, cannot make up for the absence of the essential submissions in law, which must appear in the application (see Judgment C-382/12). Moreover, it is not for the GC to seek out and identify, in the annexes, these pleas and arguments it might consider as constituting the basis of action (see para. 34 and Judgment T-191/16). The interpretation of the first paragraph of Article 21 of the Statute of the Court of Justice also applies to the conditions for admissibility of a reply. In this case, the applicants have made several references to documents annexed to their pleadings, but the documents to which some of the references are made are not intended solely to support and supplement. So, in accordance with the earlier referred case-law, the annexes presented by the applicants will only be taken into consideration in so far they support or supplement arguments set out in the body of their pleadings. Finally, the Parliament and the Kingdom of Spain argued that all of the pleas presented by the applicants shall be rejected, with support of the argument that parts of the pleas shall be considered as unfounded and some parts, in light of the presented principles, must be further assessed and examined by the GC.
Legal reasoning and conclusion
As mentioned earlier, all three applicants (Puigdemont, Comín and Ponsatí) requested the GC to annul the decision made by the European Parliament in March 2021, which waived their immunities. They also demanded that the Parliament pay all the costs (see para. 20). On the other hand, the Parliament contended that the court should dismiss the action and order the applicants to pay the costs (see para. 21). As earlier stated, the applicants presented eight pleas in support of their claims (see para. 22). Regarding the applicants’ claim concerning the European Parliament’s decision to waive the immunities, the GC rejected all eight pleas made by the applicants and upheld the Parliament’s decision.
The GC specifically emphasized two points. One of them was related to the applicants’ argument that the Parliament committed a mistake in believing that the legal actions taken by the Spanish authorities against them were not intended to harm their roles as members of the Parliament. Here the GC clearly pointed out that they agreed with the Parliament’s reasoning, which in turn pointed out that the applicants’ alleged crimes took place two years before they even became members of the Parliament and they were charged a year before together with individuals who have nothing to do with the Parliament (see paras. 151-184). The second crucial point emphasized by the court was the applicants’ claim, as mentioned above, that the Parliament had violated the principle of impartiality. This assertion stemmed from the applicants’ belief that the Parliament had not let different people take turns acting as rapporteurs. However, the GC clarified that if several members faced similar legal problems, it was acceptable for one person to handle all these cases (see para. 236). Regarding the impartiality of the rapporteur due to his affiliation with a certain political group, the GC explained that the rapporteur is a member of a committee that reflects the balance of different political groups. Even if the rapporteur belongs to a particular political group, this does not automatically imply bias (see para. 243).
To summarize and conclude, it can be stated that the GC ruled in favour of the Parliament’s decision and dismissed the action. The applicants must bear their own costs and pay those incurred by the Parliament. The GC rejected all eight pleas made by the applicants and placed significant emphasis on explaining that the legal actions taken by the Spanish authorities against the applicants were not intended to harm their roles as members of the Parliament. Furthermore, there was no evidence in the applicants’ submissions indicating any case of impartiality within the European Parliament.
Comments
When reading this judgment while considering the arguments of both parties as well as reviewing both older (for example, Stephen Burgen, ‘Catalan independence rally brings Barcelona to a standstill’, The Guardian, 11 September 2012) recent news articles (for example, this Observer special report in The Guardian, 25 September 2022), it becomes evident that there is a long-standing and heated dispute within Spain regarding Catalonia’s role in the Spanish system. The main challenge for Spanish democracy is to satisfy demands for regional autonomy without disrupting the integrity of Spain. Catalonia has never been satisfied with the Spanish Constitution because of its arrangement that does not fully reflect Spain’s reality. Spain faces the difficult dilemma of balancing the different demands of its autonomous communities. This makes the EU’s role difficult too, as illustrated in this judgment.
Does this case imply that the immunities and privileges granted to the Members of the Parliament will be denied if elected representatives of the people are not notified as elected candidates to the Parliament for not complying with national requirements? In this situation, they were not granted immunity because the Spanish authorities did not notify the Parliament that they were elected candidates to become Members of the European Parliament. This was because they did not take an oath or make a promise to respect the Spanish Constitution. However, according to the electoral results, they had sufficient support from the people to become Members and to represent the Spanish citizens in the EU Parliament. This situation certainly raises questions about the possibilities for change at the EU level if one cannot be elected in a country despite the people’s support via elections due to not taking the required oath or promising to respect the national constitution, as required by national law. It definitely makes it more difficult for groups that want to bring about a change at the EU level. In this specific case, it is about the will of the Catalans to become independent.
However, more significant problems definitely persist within EU countries, such as in Hungary, where there are several problems regarding democracy, same-sex marriage, etc. Hungary has even been labeled as an electoral autocracy by the MEPs (EP Press Release, 15 September 2022). In this case, the likely attitude in Western societies should be that a change is required (CNN.com, 18 December 2018). This may then require a collective effort from people willing to stand up against the decision-makers in Hungary. The recent decision of the GC certainly implies that in order for anyone to be elected as a Member of the European Parliament, one may need to comply with certain national requirements such as respecting a constitution. This indirectly implies that potential MEPs, who are representatives of the people, may be denied access to the European Parliament if they are not aligned with the ruling political parties in their respective Member States. This inevitably hinders the potential for political change from an EU level in Member States where such change is necessary. However, in order for the EU to respect the national sovereignty of its Member States as well as the principle of conferral, the choice of MEPs ultimately rests with the Member States. This decision-making power is not a competence conferred upon the EU by the Treaties.
Anton Wallin, John Ämtvall, Robert Mjörnander